Die übrigen Kanten abgerieben und abgerissen.
Alle slags bukser til kvinder
Schlabow believed these were used to tie the leg closed, while Möller-Wiering argues that if that were the case, the cloth in the immediate area around the cords should show wear from being pulled - which it doesn't. She poses that the cords are probably part of some decoration, although she admits that if the opening was closed by using some kind of leg wrapping, this decoration would not be visible. The use of leg wraps is supported by the two fragments from such wraps that were found at the site.
The second Thorsberg brók is much more fragmentary. The pattern presented by Karl Schlabow shows the stockings as a part of the same piece as the rest of each leg. However, Susan Möller-Wiering believes that the stockings are made from separate pieces, like the stockings of The entire piece of clothing consists primarily of five parts: The stockings are mounted in a way that they point straight outwards to the left and right.
The long seams on the back go down in a position where they are very comfortable when riding. Further down on the legs, these seams sit on the calves where they are left open. It is not possible to ascertain how it was once fastened.
However, it is clear that the stockings were not merely the elongation of the trouser-legs but separate pieces sewn onto the legs: Illustration from Schlabow Karl: Textilfunde der Eisenzeit in Norddeutschland, figure The preserved parts of the stockings are very fragmentary and currently mounted in an arbitrary way, and there is no way to ascertain how the open seams along the calves were closed. Nor are the remaining fragments of the legs directly connected to whatever remains of the stockings, and the upper edge of the brók is not preserved, which means that the original length cannot be determined although it was at least cm.
The circumference at the current top is cm and the cut of the legs is narrow, leading Möller-Wiering to conclude that the wearer was a tall, slim person. The preserved length and the missing upper edge suggest that the trousers once reached rather far up the body. Therefore, it seems unlikely that loops for a belt as on trousers should be assumed for the missing part still further up.
Another explanation for how to keep the trousers in place is that the uppermost part was rolled down over a simple, hidden belt. A bog body was found in the Damendorf bog in Germany in May The body was covered by a cloak, and at its feet was deposited a brók wrapped around two leg wraps, a leather strap and a pair of leather shoes. The brók have been analysed by several people during the years, including Johanna Mestorf in , Karl Schlabow in and Heide Marie Farke in It was also mentioned by Susan Möller-Wiering in her book from According to carbon dating, the brók is from AD.
All of the seams had disintegrated, probably on account of being made with linen thread, but five woollen pieces were well preserved. Narrow, tablet-woven edges occur as starting and finishing borders and as side edges of the cloth. Due to the rounded edge in the crotch area, Schlabow believed that there must have been a semicircular piece inserted in the front, although no trace of this piece was found. According to Möller-Wiering, the existence of such a piece was disproven by Heide Marie Farke in Thus the dress pattern is quite similar to [the Thorsberg] trousers An almost quadrangular piece was inserted in the back, in this case supplemented by two triangular pieces below.
As the upper end, a strip of cloth was added using the starting border as the outermost edge. On this strip Johanna Mestorf observed traces of former buttons or laces.
Down at the bottom, the legs end in flaps which were interpreted by Mestorf and Hjalmar Falk as straps in the sense of stirrup pants.
These flaps are irregularly cut and torn. This contrast to the other features of the trousers may suggest that this shape, although old, is not the original one. Yet Mestorf wrote that the flaps seem to have been sewn together under the feet. Sy dine egne Jernalderbukser. They observe that if the flaps are stuffed inside the shoes, they keep the brók from sliding up, and so may have been a part of the original design after all. A brók, two woollen belts one of them tablet woven a cloak and the remains of a pair of sleeves were found along with a bog body in Dätgen in Germany.
The brók was analysed among others by Karl Schlabow in , and is mentioned in passing by Susan Möller-Wiering. The natural colours of the wool have been used to produce a decorative effect, with the threads varying in colour from almost black up to light brown. Basically, the dress pattern of these breeches seems to be identical to the trousers from Damendorf, with two pieces of cloth for the legs and the hips, joined on the belly, and with a rectangular addition in the back. The triangular insertions are larger here, reaching up to the upper edge of the trousers.
This edge is hemmed and runs around the hips, i. The inside seam of the brók stop at knee-height, and Schlabow observes that it was probably worn with leg wraps covering the lower leg in cold weather. Interestingly Schlabow states that the fine weave of the sleeves and the outstanding decorative pattern of the tablet woven belt that were found together with the brók indicate that the Dätgen bog body was a woman, because they were too fine and thus too feminine to be worn by a man.
Der für die Eisenzeit typische Mantel liegt vor, und von der Bekleidung der Oberkörpers sind nur die mit dem Torfspaten abgetrennten Ärmel überliefert. Der eine im schlichten 2 cm breiten Bandgewebe wird der Gürtel der Hose gewesen sein. Aber ein zweiter Gürtel im hervorragenden Muster der Brettchenweberei deutet auf ein Frauenschmuck hin.
Textilfunde der Eisenzeit in Norddeutschland, p I am sceptical in regards to Schlabow's thesis though, as we know too little of early Iron Age custom to easily determine what would be considered to be feminine decoration.
Unfortunately, there seems to be no more information concerning the bog body itself, which may indicate that it was not preserved after the excavation. Without the possibility of a DNA analysis, the gender of the wearer of the Dätgen brók may remain unknown.
Karl Schlabow also analysed a brók found together with a a bog body near Marx-Etzel. It is mentioned in Susan Möller-Wiering's book, but in very little detail. The brók is from AD according to the carbon dating. Like the Dätgen brók, it is short above knee-height.
Textilfunde der Eisenzeit in Norddeutschland, figure , a and b. It was made from a single piece of woollen cloth, woven in the exact size needed, and cut and folded in a way that used all the available fabric.
A technique that reminds me of e. The circumference at the waist is roughly cm, leading Schlabow to believe that the fabric would have been gathered in folds and held in place at the waist by a belt. All of them have a single fabric piece for each leg, with a seam running along the inside or back of the leg. They also have a quadrangular piece sometimes with added gores in the back. Interpreting the facts That is the end of the hard evidence, and we're entering the land of interpretations.
The complex arrangement of seams and different fragments in 72 Aa-g leads Inga Hägg to interpret this as the crotch area of a brók. If fragment Aa forms part of a frontal centre gore, Ab becomes the remains of a rectangular gore in the centre back of the brók.
Parts c, d, e and f then belong to the legs, with c and d in the front and e and f in the back. Part g probably represents some form of strengthening seam or double layering of the cloth over the central crotch seam. Hägg also mentions the possibility that the legs had double layers of fabric. Drawing from Inga Hägg: Photograph taken at Wikinger museum Haithabu. Arranging 72Aa-g in the manner described above results in all the red fragments ending up on one side, while the yellow-green ends up on the other.
As mentioned earlier, parti-coloured clothing in red and green is known from the sagas. While fragment 72 B has no seams or other indicators that can be used to position it, 91 A has some badly preserved fragments along the sides that appear to be identical to 72 Ac and Ad in colour and thread count. With this in mind, Hägg suggests that 91 A is a continuation of the front gore from right above where 72 Aa ends. If this is the case, the central gore would have been at least 30 cm long.
Of course, using early Iron Age evidence to explain Viking Age clothing is fraught with uncertainty. The issue then becomes how to make informed guesses, based on what little evidence we have.
Personally I prefer using patterns from nearby time periods and a relevant cultural area as a starting point, but I am aware that opinions might differ on this. As you can see, the archeological evidence is limited. We know that the pattern type was in use at least as late as AD, and so it is not that much of a stretch to assume that it survived to the Viking Age.
While the interpretation of 72Aa-g and 91A gives us an idea of the type of pattern used for this brók, the small fragments are still a long way from allowing us to reconstruct a complete garment.
Hägg points out that this fits well with the wide and pleated brók described in the tenth century Afghan-Persian source, Hudud al-'Alam, as worn by the Russian Vikings. Out of a hundred cubits of fine linen, more-or-less, they sew trousers, which they put on tucking them up above the knee. Hudud al-'Alam, quoted by Ewing in Viking clothing, p 96 The Arab Ibn Rusta gives a similar description in his account of the Rus, but even more incredibly allots a hundred cubits of cloth to each leg.
However, both Inga Hägg and Thor Ewing propose that the linen brók in grave at Birka might possibly have been a wide wrinkled brók, with metal hooks at each knee. Picture stone from Smiss, Gotland, photograph by Statens historiska museer Rightmost: Male figure, Oseberg tapestry, Thor Ewing: The Vikings travelled extensively, and we know that they sometimes brought fabric and possibly entire garments back home with them.
Inga Hägg proposes a more convoluted origin. These influences were retransmitted directly to Scandinavia by North Germanic soldiers in the late imperial period. The style was known in Sweden as demonstrated by the picture stones and figurine , in Denmark Haithabu and in Norway if the interpretation of the Oseberg tapestry is correct. They were even known in Viking England, as shown by the carving on a cross from Sockburn.
Still, with the amount of fabric used, they must have been high status clothing. Photograph of picture stone from Sockburn. The find has the largest and best preserved Viking Age brók fragments that has been found so far, and should in theory give us a good understanding of its construction. Unfortunately, things are not so simple in practice. Gjessing's report from has absolutely no documentation regarding exactly where on the body the different fragments were found. This makes it hard to judge the accuracy of his interpretation, and even harder to reinterpret the find in light of new evidence.
Gjessing's reconstruction is shown below. Selvedge red line not mentioned by Gjessing. Gjessing believes that the decorated leg seams would have been running along the outside of the leg, so that they may be easily seen. He places the two fragments with remains of a hem A and B in the illustration on the left half of the brók. The long seam in fragment B becomes part of the side seam along the outside of the leg, and the strip of fabric lengthening a part of B runs along the back of the brók.
As mentioned above, fragment A have a vertical fold at the left edge. Although there is no trace of stitches left Gjessing interprets this to indicate that there was a vertical seam inside the fold.
He proposes that this was part of a seam running along the crotch of the brók. En senmiddelaldersk nordnorsk mannsdrakt, p Finally he places fragment D so that the edge with traces of a seam matches up with the left side seam. Since there are traces of the red couching stitches on fragment D, but not on fragment B, Gjessing finds it likely that this part of the decoration stops somewhere around the area above the knees.
Based on his positioning of the fragments, Gjessing proposes a reconstruction pattern where the brók is made from two identical pieces, one for each leg see illustration. These legs have a seam running along the outside, and one or two strips lengthening the back of the brók.
A vertical seam runs from the front to the back, connecting the two legs in the crotch area. Using the length of the upper edges of fragment A and B he calculates the width of the brók at waist height to have been cm. Nye tanker om Skjoldehamnfunnet, Gjessing's pattern p He points out that some of these placements are highly uncertain, and that there are details that Gjessing missed that calls his whole reconstruction into question.
This means that both the construction of the crotch and the total width of the brók is uncertain. The same goes for the length of the brók. According to Gjessing, fragment B, D and E could be fitted together down the length of the left leg, giving a total length of 1 meter. If these gaps were to be bigger, the brók would be longer. Thus, provided that all three fragments belong on the left side not unlikely, but still undocumented , the 1 meter only represents the minimum length of the brók.
This is the detail that calls Gjessing's entire reconstruction into question. In order to explain how the bottom part fragment E has only one seam he proposes that at least the left leg must have been divided into an upper part and a lower part, connected by a horizontal seam.
However, fragment C reaches 71 cm upwards on the right side of the brók, without any trace of a horizontal seam. This could mean that there was no horizontal division of this leg, or that it was placed significantly higher than on the left leg, or that the brók was longer than cm, creating a gap between the height where C ends and the height where B begins.
He does however, find the suggested pattern by Gjessing to be unlikely, both because it doesn't fit all the evidence like the selvedge and because when testing the pattern he finds the resulting brók somewhat impractical in use.
This fits well with the evidence we have from Skjoldehamn. The lower parts of the brók legs C and E are well enough preserved to allow us to see that they had a single seam, at least at that height. In addition, the survival of such a pattern into the Viking Age is indicated by 72 A-B from Haithabu harbour. Using the Iron Age pattern as a starting point, fragment B can be interpreted as a leg fragment and a semi-rectangular gore in the back of the brók, instead of two sides of one leg.
This placement explains the selvedge, while allowing for a single seam leg. Unlike Gjessing's pattern, it is a practical design that we know was used before the Viking Age, and that allowed for physical work and fighting without splitting. Unfortunately, due to the lack of detail in Gjessing's report, we cannot judge how well this interpretation fits with the original positions of the fragments on the body.
And unless a more detailed report surfaces, we will never know. She interprets 22 A-C can be interpreted as part of the top edge of a brók either a leg or a seat gore , the tip of a gore and a single belt loop. Both appear to have been made predominantly from lozenge twill, but other types of weaves have been used in some of the pieces.
I wonder if the mix of weaves were to achieve specific properties, like stretch, in different pieces, or if it were a matter of taste or of using "cheaper" fabric for certain pieces. As the archaeological evidence is limited, it can be useful to look at other sources as well.
The same motif appears on a picture stone from Tjängvide, Alskog in Gotland. Ewing therefore proposes that they would have been made from coarse cloth and cut to a simple pattern. I am a bit doubtful whether this assumption is correct however. It seems that Ewing is unaware of the Skjoldehamn find, or of the new dating that places it within the Viking Age. This ankle-length brók was made of white woollen cloth, which would have required some effort to create, and decorated with woven bands and decorative stitches.
All of this suggests to me that while the Skjoldehamn brók might not have been worn by the wealthy, it would be wrong to classify it as ill-fitting and low status. On the other hand, it may have been of Sami origin, and thus not directly applicable when interpreting Viking fashion.
The picture stones from Gotland are interesting though. The Skjoldehamn brók may be the closest we have to a pattern, with all its uncertainties. If it did, the fragments 22 A-C and 39 A-B from Haithabu can be interpreted as following such a pattern.
There has also been some discussion as to their use. She believes that it was worn by a horseman, probably an officer. Not only would a foot soldier wear out the sewn-on feet very quickly but it would also be very unpleasant for him to have to walk on the middle join and indeed rather dangerous on long marches.
In the case of riding breeches, however, the feet would be practical as they keep the trouser legs taut and prevent them from riding up when on the horse. Sacrificed garments , p He points out that Flósi is wearing a leistabrók because he has chosen to walk , and that this is so that he will be on the same footing as his men. Flósi wore leistabrók because he meant to walk. He knew that then the others would mind it less to walk. Or more precisely "knew he that then would others less think of walking" where 'think less of' is meant literally instead of a synonym for 'have a lower opinion of' Translation with help from Tor Gjerde.
Several of the existing hose from before and after the Viking Age have a foot piece with a seam along the bottom of the foot, without being classified as riding hose. As for the knee-length brók at Birka in grave , the fragments still remaining on the bronze hooks indicate they were worn with some kind of knee-length hose or possibly leg windings. However, at Haithabu there has been found fragments of a hose that would have reached above the knee. Unfortunately the finds give no information regarding how these might have looked.
These are mentioned in de Carolo Magno, written by a monk around This was the attire or apparel of the Franks of old: Above these and the bands, in and out, before and behind, the long laces were arranged in the style of a cross. From the brók found at Skjoldehamn we know that one possibility was to gather the brók at the waist by a drawstring running within a channel. Also, the fragments 22 A-C from Haithabu include a possible belt loop, and so may have sported a Thorsberg-type waistband with belt loops and a belt.
Some earlier techniques, like rolling the top of the brók down over a belt possibly used with the second brók from Thorsberg , or using some kind of buttons or laces possibly found on the Damendorf brók , might also have been used in the Viking Age. Thor Ewing suggests that many Viking men would have been wearing two belts; one to keep up the brók or hose, and one to secure the tunic. Interestingly, there is seldom more than one buckle in the graves many graves have none , and where more is found, the extra buckles are rarely found in the waist area.
In addition, where buckles have been found with associated textile remains, it appears that they have been used to secure the shirt or tunic.
Due to metal buckles being expensive and decorative, it makes sense that they would have been openly displayed rather than hidden under the tunic. With this in mind, Ewing argues that the brók belt would not have been buckled, but instead would have been tied in place. According to him, tablet-woven bands are decorative and high-status, and thus unsuitable as brók belts. Instead he suggests a simple leather belt with a slit at one end through which the other end passes before it is tied, or a belt of rope of some kind.
The usual method for preserving textiles in e. Unfortunately, leg clothing is seldom worn in direct contact with a lot of metal, which may explain why there is so few of these finds from the Viking Age. Ewing also refers to an edict of Diocletian from the late Roman period, which lists coarse linen as cheaper than fine wool, and argues that this supports the suggestion that linen could have been in common use.
While the sagas were written after the Viking Age, the Hudud al-'Alam, a tenth-century Persian source, and the account of Ibn Rusta are both contemporary sources. However, the choice of material may have varied according to geography, custom, social status and personal taste. The eleventh-century writer Adam of Bremen remarks that the Norwegians rely upon their flocks for their clothing indicating that linen was seldom used.
All we can conclude is that both types existed. Identifying dyes from the archaeological evidence is challenging, partly because it is difficult to separate colour originating from dye from rust or other discolouration, and partly because plant dyes decay in the ground.
In addition, the archaeological evidence can only take us so far. The fragments are just too few to give a correct picture. It is likely that the less wealthy would have worn undyed clothing, probably made from cloth with a less careful selection of wool than the Skjoldehamn brók or the hose fragments from Haithabu harbour.
According to Hägg one set of brók fragments from the harbour 22 A-C had been dyed a reddish brown with walnut shells. This is a dye that is found on fragments from several other garments at Haithabu. Additionally, Hägg notes that 39 A-B was dyed but doesn't say which colour and that S19 was dyed either blue or green. However, the most interesting set of brók fragments in terms of colour are 72 A-B and 91A.
These appears to have been dyed in two separate colours: This must have created a striking impression when the brók was new. The sagas have a term for parti-coloured garments, namely halflit, halfskipt or tviskipt. Also according to Hägg, the sagas often speak of a red-green combination, just like the find at Haithabu. While dyed linen did exist found in e. Birka grave and , and in Pskov , neither Geijer nor Arbman mentions colour when reporting on the content of grave As most of the linen found in Birka graves was undyed, I will assume that this is the case for the brók fragments from as well, until told otherwise.
Although there is a limited set of colours found in the archaeological evidence for leg clothing, it is not unlikely that a wider range were in use. Collecting and summarizing the different studies by textile archaeologists in regards to which dyes were likely to be known and used by the Vikings is a separate research project though, and not one I have had time to do yet.
This reconstruction is presented by Historiska världar , a project run by the Museum of National Antiquities. They don't set a specific geographic place or time for their reconstruction, but the pattern they suggest appears to build on the evidence from the Haithabu finds.
She follows the interpretation by Margrethe Hald with the exception of the waistband, which is cut in one single piece instead of two that are sewn together.
The front gore is also made from one piece, as per Hald's pattern. The Thorsberg brók have a front gore created by two pieces that have been sewn together. Shelagh Lewins use an identical pattern, down to a single-piece waistband and front gore.
She presents a detailed step-by-step set of instructions on how to fit the pattern to the prospective wearer. Lastly, a slightly adjusted pattern with step-by-step instructions is presented by Matthew Marino. More about Viking Age hose and socks: Die Textilfunde aus den Gräbern , Birka: Almkvist and Wiksells B. Die Textilfunde aus dem Hafen von Haithabu. Berichte über die ausgrabungen in Haithabu, Bericht ISBN 3 8. In Arwidsson, Greta ed. Textilfunde aus der Siedlung und aus den Gräbern von Haithabu.
Diet and status in Birka: Nye tanker om Skjoldehamnfunnet , Universitetet i Bergen. Skjoldehamnfunnet i lys av ny kunnskap. Colors, Dyestuffs, and Mordants of the Viking Age: Photograph of the Sockburn store, Durham by Europa re-enactment association http: Die Textilfunde aus dem Hafen von Haithabu, drawings modified from p 32 and 33, photograph p 36 Fragment 72 B is made from the same thin, reddish cloth in very fine tabby weave as fragment 72 Ac, and it has the same dense small wrinkles with clear traces of wear on the back of each wrinkle.
Die Textilfunde aus dem Hafen von Haithabu, p 34 The last fragment, 91 A , is a band-shaped piece made of a fine reddish tabby weave with wrinkles. Die Textilfunde aus dem Hafen von Haithabu, p 34 illustration p 32 While there has been no chemical analysis of the dyes, Hägg reports that there is a clearly visible difference in the colour of the different parts of 72A. Please allow 24 hours of processing time for all shipment options. Choose the free ground shipping option at check out.
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